absinthedisco:

newyorker:

The Caging of America; Why do we lock up so many people?

The scale and the brutality of our prisons are the moral scandal of  American life. Every day, at least fifty thousand men—a full house at  Yankee Stadium—wake in solitary confinement, often in “supermax” prisons  or prison wings, in which men are locked in small cells, where they see  no one, cannot freely read and write, and are allowed out just once a  day for an hour’s solo “exercise.” (Lock yourself in your bathroom and  then imagine you have to stay there for the next ten years, and you will  have some sense of the experience.) Prison rape is so endemic—more than  seventy thousand prisoners are raped each year—that it is routinely  held out as a threat, part of the punishment to be expected. The subject  is standard fodder for comedy, and an uncoöperative suspect being  threatened with rape in prison is now represented, every night on  television, as an ordinary and rather lovable bit of policing. The  normalization of prison rape—like eighteenth-century japery about  watching men struggle as they die on the gallows—will surely strike our  descendants as chillingly sadistic, incomprehensible on the part of  people who thought themselves civilized. Though we avoid looking  directly at prisons, they seep obliquely into our fashions and manners.  Wealthy white teen-agers in baggy jeans and laceless shoes and multiple  tattoos show, unconsciously, the reality of incarceration that acts as a  hidden foundation for the country.

- In this week’s issue, Adam Gopnik writes about mass incarceration and criminal justice in America: http://nyr.kr/A75iOm
Photograph by Steve Liss.

Wealthy white teen-agers in baggy jeans and laceless shoes and multiple  tattoos show, unconsciously, the reality of incarceration that acts as a  hidden foundation for the country.
Many things wrong with this sentence. But what did I expect, it’s The New Yorker.

Northern impersonality and Southern revenge converge on a common  American theme: a growing number of American prisons are now contracted  out as for-profit businesses to for-profit companies. The companies are  paid by the state, and their profit depends on spending as little as  possible on the prisoners and the prisons. It’s hard to imagine any  greater disconnect between public good and private profit: the interest  of private prisons lies not in the obvious social good of having the  minimum necessary number of inmates but in having as many as possible,  housed as cheaply as possible. No more chilling document exists in  recent American life than the 2005 annual report of the biggest of these  firms, the Corrections Corporation of America. Here the company (which  spends millions lobbying legislators) is obliged to caution its  investors about the risk that somehow, somewhere, someone might turn off  the spigot of convicted men:

Our  growth is generally dependent upon our ability to obtain new contracts  to develop and manage new correctional and detention facilities… .  The demand for our facilities and services could be adversely affected  by the relaxation of enforcement efforts, leniency in conviction and  sentencing practices or through the decriminalization of certain  activities that are currently proscribed by our criminal laws. For  instance, any changes with respect to drugs and controlled substances or  illegal immigration could affect the number of persons arrested,  convicted, and sentenced, thereby potentially reducing demand for  correctional facilities to house them.

Brecht could hardly have imagined such a document: a capitalist enterprise that feeds on the misery of man trying as hard as it can to be sure that nothing is done to decrease that misery.

Oh America, sometimes your sense of decency really moves me to tears.

absinthedisco:

newyorker:

The Caging of America; Why do we lock up so many people?

The scale and the brutality of our prisons are the moral scandal of American life. Every day, at least fifty thousand men—a full house at Yankee Stadium—wake in solitary confinement, often in “supermax” prisons or prison wings, in which men are locked in small cells, where they see no one, cannot freely read and write, and are allowed out just once a day for an hour’s solo “exercise.” (Lock yourself in your bathroom and then imagine you have to stay there for the next ten years, and you will have some sense of the experience.) Prison rape is so endemic—more than seventy thousand prisoners are raped each year—that it is routinely held out as a threat, part of the punishment to be expected. The subject is standard fodder for comedy, and an uncoöperative suspect being threatened with rape in prison is now represented, every night on television, as an ordinary and rather lovable bit of policing. The normalization of prison rape—like eighteenth-century japery about watching men struggle as they die on the gallows—will surely strike our descendants as chillingly sadistic, incomprehensible on the part of people who thought themselves civilized. Though we avoid looking directly at prisons, they seep obliquely into our fashions and manners. Wealthy white teen-agers in baggy jeans and laceless shoes and multiple tattoos show, unconsciously, the reality of incarceration that acts as a hidden foundation for the country.

- In this week’s issue, Adam Gopnik writes about mass incarceration and criminal justice in America: http://nyr.kr/A75iOm

Photograph by Steve Liss.

Wealthy white teen-agers in baggy jeans and laceless shoes and multiple  tattoos show, unconsciously, the reality of incarceration that acts as a  hidden foundation for the country.

Many things wrong with this sentence. But what did I expect, it’s The New Yorker.

Northern impersonality and Southern revenge converge on a common American theme: a growing number of American prisons are now contracted out as for-profit businesses to for-profit companies. The companies are paid by the state, and their profit depends on spending as little as possible on the prisoners and the prisons. It’s hard to imagine any greater disconnect between public good and private profit: the interest of private prisons lies not in the obvious social good of having the minimum necessary number of inmates but in having as many as possible, housed as cheaply as possible. No more chilling document exists in recent American life than the 2005 annual report of the biggest of these firms, the Corrections Corporation of America. Here the company (which spends millions lobbying legislators) is obliged to caution its investors about the risk that somehow, somewhere, someone might turn off the spigot of convicted men:

Our growth is generally dependent upon our ability to obtain new contracts to develop and manage new correctional and detention facilities… . The demand for our facilities and services could be adversely affected by the relaxation of enforcement efforts, leniency in conviction and sentencing practices or through the decriminalization of certain activities that are currently proscribed by our criminal laws. For instance, any changes with respect to drugs and controlled substances or illegal immigration could affect the number of persons arrested, convicted, and sentenced, thereby potentially reducing demand for correctional facilities to house them.

Brecht could hardly have imagined such a document: a capitalist enterprise that feeds on the misery of man trying as hard as it can to be sure that nothing is done to decrease that misery.

Oh America, sometimes your sense of decency really moves me to tears.

(via luxuryailments)

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    “In the past two decades, the money that states spend on prisons has risen at six times the rate of spending on higher...
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    The easy answer, the one that helps us sleep at night, is that those in prison deserve to be there and by extension...
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